Emery Spiegel

Off the southeast coast of Africa lies the world’s 4th largest island country: Madagascar. In addition to its large landmass, Madagascar also faces the challenges of being one of the poorest countries in the world. Not only has this poverty led to a lack of employment and development, but it has also been a leading factor in the political unrest in recent months.

In September 2025, just one month before civilian protests led to a military coup d’état against the government, Madagascar was ranked the 10th poorest country globally, with a 75% poverty rate nationwide.

This significant poverty can be attributed to the inaccessibility of electricity and water utilities, prompting an outcry for immediate change.

The Backdrop

The government of Madagascar is a semi-presidential system, with a president and a prime minister sharing executive power. Laws and civility are enforced in daily life by the National Police, creating a sense of militarized life in Madagascar.

A combination of factors has exacerbated Madagascar’s economic struggles over the past few years. With COVID-19’s unemployment effects still lingering, coupled with harsh, destructive natural disasters, the economy has seen increasing urban poverty and a stagnant rural economy. Madagascar is a global leader in vanilla production, and about 80% of the Malagasy population is employed in agriculture.

Therefore, much of Madagascar’s economy is contingent upon weather and climate conditions. On average, Madagascar experiences at least seven cyclones per year that constantly damage the land and soil used for agriculture. Similarly, this season is extremely harsh on the Malagasy climate, with increased temperatures, flooding, and winds, all of which make sustaining the agricultural sector of the economy challenging.

An Uprise

In late September, civilians began taking to the streets in response to recent cuts in government funding to water access, enraged by the lack of necessities. The leaders of the protests called themselves “Gen Z Madagascar,” a group of young Malagasy people urging change from the government. The Gen Z protestors are fighting to elicit a governmental response, feeling neglected and ignored as they have continued to ask for change in living conditions. The Madagascar youth felt inspired and took after other Gen Z protesters, such as those in Peru and Nepal, all of whom responded to the neglectful actions of their governments. Gen Z Madagascar has adopted a symbol of a pirate wearing a Malagasy flag as its emblem, a widespread character used in protests across the African continent. The pirate character originates from a popular Japanese anime television show, in which a pirate crew travels the world fighting oppressive governments— a striking parallel to the current battles of Gen Z Malagasyians.

The movements spanned the course of three days. Until September 29th, when the military turned on protesters, opening fire and sending teargas into the crowd. The military’s violence resulted in 22 deaths and over 100 injuries. This violent response to the peaceful and passionate protesters elicited a reaction from the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, condemning the military. He expressed his shock and sadness, encouraging the Malagasy government to “ensure respect for freedom of expression…under international human rights law.”

In an attempt to listen to and respond to public outcry, President Rajoelina dismissed his entire government in an effort to initiate change. However, this was not the response most Malagasyans were hoping for. Ironically, many were calling for the direct resignation of President Rajoelina himself.

Pivotal Overthrow

Two more weeks of ongoing demonstrations against the government led to a crucial moment in the movement; the military joined forces with the Gen Z protestors, sharing the same demand for the current President to step down. The elite military group that sided with the civilians is Corps d’administration des personnels et des services administratifs et techniques (CAPSAT), a powerful and influential militant force in Madagascar. CAPSAT refused to acknowledge an order to shoot the crowds and stood behind marchers in solidarity. While support for the protestors was received as a positive development, the following coup d’état exposed the unethical method in which the military has ousted the government. Following the rebellion, President Rajoelina, finally succumbing to the wishes of many Malagasy, stepped down and went into hiding. His location is still unknown to the public for his personal safety.

Rebuilding

Attempting to rebuild the government after a series of political unrest, CAPSAT made a somewhat counterintuitive and speedy decision, placing the leader of the coup d’état, Colonel Michael Randrianirina, into power, repeating an all-too-familiar cycle.

As a young, formerly colonized country, Madagascar is now dealing with a cycle it is far too familiar with. Since gaining independence in 1960, Madagascar has experienced several coups, leading many citizens and political scientists to be skeptical of this sequence of events. In fact, before this recent government overthrow, President Rajoelina was installed as President following the 2009 coup d’état.

Protestors and young voters are fearful that a militaristic government will not be able to understand the wants and needs of the people, and would prefer a civilian-installed cabinet. Expert Ramjathan-Keogh expressed her concerns with soldiers running the new government, saying that militant governments “have never been able to govern in a way to address corruption and serious social issues.”

Generation Future

Examining Madagascar’s population makeup, the country is a relatively youthful nation, with a median age of 19.2 years. Additionally, over half of the Malagasy population is under 25 years old, with around 31 million people categorized as Generation Z. Throughout the protests, Gen Z Madagascar launched a website outlining their goals: accountability, transparency, and active reforms. The group also made it very clear that they did not support or condone a coup d’état or a violent seizure of power; instead, they were calling for action and a change in government. They also acknowledged past rebellions, specifically the 2009 coup d’état, emphasizing that the “movement does not aim to repeat mistakes of the past.” The movement is hopeful that their thoughts and reforms will continue to be heard and that a publicly elected government will be instituted soon enough.